Beware German soldiers on Israel's border!

Role of multinational force in Lebanon explored

By ELIAS LEVY

MONTREAL - Avi Primor, a respected Israeli diplomat, is a former Israeli ambassador to Germany and the European Union, and a former vice-president of Tel Aviv University. He is currently director of European studies at the interdisciplinary centre of Herzliya University.

Primor, who is close to Israeli Defence Minister Amir Peretz, has, from the beginning of the war with Lebanon, been responsible for evaluating the possibility of deploying an international military force in southern Lebanon.

In an interview from his home in Tel Aviv, Primor discussed the war.

Canadian Jewish News: Could the international community force Israel to accept a ceasefire?

Primor: In the final analysis, the situation is this: no one wants war and everyone wants a ceasefire, but it depends on the conditions. If we’re talking about having a ceasefire imposed on us, as Hezbollah, Iran and Syria are asking, in order to preserve the status quo ante, it’s out of the question. The situation in southern Lebanon has to change drastically, completely.

At the moment, the Lebanese army is too weak to deploy troops in southern Lebanon. The other possibility is to call on a strong international force capable of fighting the Hezbollah militia and allowing the government in Beirut to impose its authority on all of southern Lebanon. If these conditions were met, then there could be a ceasefire. Meanwhile, Israel must continue to fight Hezbollah, and at the same time, prepare the ground for the deployment of an international force.

CJN: What role does Israel see for this multinational force?

Primor: This would have to be very different from other peace forces that have been sent to the Middle East. It would be an international force modelled on the multinational force that was established in Kosovo, or the one that attacked Iraq in 1991 to liberate Kuwait. It would be a combat force, not a force of observers.

A few days before her first visit to Lebanon and Israel, American Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said the same thing – that any international force must have the mandate and the military potential needed to be active rather than passive like the UNIFIL (United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon) soldiers now stationed in southern Lebanon.

CJN: Is this multinational force likely to be in place soon?

Primor: No, it would take several weeks to deploy. The troops have to be organized, with the approval of their governments, once the governments have the approval of their respective parliaments. The military intervention force will also need to have a clear mandate from the United Nations.

CJN: Would this force operate under the aegis of the United Nations?

Primor: No. This military force would not be under the direct command of the United Nations, but probably under that of NATO. The UN will only give its approval to the military force to give it international legitimacy.

CJN: Do you think the Lebanese government will agree to collaborate with this international intervention force?

Primor: It’s in the Lebanese government’s best interest to collaborate closely with this multinational force whose principal mandate will be to disarm Hezbollah. Without the help of the political authorities in Beirut, the military force will not be able to accomplish its objectives.

CJN: What are the main countries that will provide soldiers for this international military force?

Primor: The countries Israel would like to see participate are the ones that have a stake in Lebanon. First of all, France, which has a stake in and an emotional attachment to Lebanon and a military force that can carry out this type of foreign mission. The French military has already proven itself in several countries. But France can’t and doesn’t want to do this work alone. It will probably receive support from other European military forces, certainly from Germany.

CJN: Is it possible that the presence of German soldiers on Israel’s northern border will make Israelis uncomfortable?

Primor: Yes. The majority of Israelis would view with disfavour any deployment of German military forces along the Israeli-Lebanese border. Any accidental confrontation would have dramatic consequences for both Israel and Germany. But if there are German forces, I think they would have to take on two important tasks: helping with logistics, and stationing troops in northern Lebanon along the Syrian border to prevent the passage of Iranian arms coming to Lebanon through Syria.

CJN: Will the high number of Lebanese civilians who have died in IDF bombings of Hezbollah positions in southern Lebanon weaken the support of western governments for Israel?

Primor: I don’t share that view. On the contrary, I believe it has been a very long time since Israel has had the benefit of such strong international support, including that of Europe. But that doesn’t mean there aren’t critics or concerns. The images that are being shown – you see them more than we Israelis do because our television stations protect us from them – are tragic images. You must understand that no sensitive human beings can remain indifferent to these images.

I attended some of the conversations that Condoleezza Rice had with top Israeli politicians during her first stop in Jerusalem. Eighty per cent of these discussions dealt with humanitarian issues in Lebanon. Nevertheless, Rice, like the Bush administration, unconditionally supports the State of Israel. She does not want a ceasefire. On the contrary, she wants Israel to continue to fight Hezbollah. There are even a fair number of Americans who are pushing us to attack Syria.

Yet the American politicians are very aware of the humanitarian crisis in Lebanon. And American public opinion, like public opinion anywhere in the world, is very sensitive to the war images coming from Lebanon. Still, the fact that European public opinion is also very sensitive to these dreadful images doesn’t mean that it does not support Israel in her war, which is a just war, a war of defence against the Islamist forces that attacked us.

CJN: In an interview with the newspaper Le Monde (July 27), French President Jacques Chirac said: “In this conflict, the blame is obviously shared.” Did that declaration shock Israelis?

Primor: Of course it shocked us. But you must understand that France has always been very sensitive toward Lebanon. The country is, in a way, its precious child. In addition, if France has to be at the forefront in southern Lebanon, it doesn’t want to alienate a majority of Lebanese. It wants the popular support of the Lebanese people. France can’t support Israel unconditionally because it would have very little credibility with the Lebanese.

I understand France’s position. But I can also tell you that in private conversations we have had with French political figures, we have seen that the French position is not so black-and-white.

CJN: In this conflict, English-speaking countries, specifically the United States, Great Britain, Canada and Australia, are supporting Israel, whereas non-anglophone countries, especially in Europe, are criticizing – some vehemently – Israel’s entirely legitimate response to the Hezbollah attacks. How do you explain this?

Primor: I don’t know how the situation appears in Canada, but the United States and England are both in an all-out war, in Iraq and Afghanistan, against Islamist terrorist forces. These two countries, both directly affected by Islamist terrorism, are more sensitive to Israel’s struggle against terrorist organizations. Europe, with the exception of England, is not present on these battlegrounds.

CJN: Is this conflict likely to significantly tarnish Israel’s image in the world?

Primor: I think Israel’s image will depend a lot on the outcome of this conflict. If this war ends with Hezbollah being significantly weakened, international law being imposed, and the restoration of the legitimacy of the government of Beirut in all of the Lebanese territory, I believe the overall result for Israel will be positive, although there will always be critics.
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